Harnessing Regional Forums: An International Perspective (English Edition)

On April 10 – 5, leaders from the seven nations belonging to the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) convened in Bangkok, Thailand, for their sixth summit aimed at fostering regional collaboration. Formed in 1997, BIMSTEC welcomed Nepal and Bhutan into its fold in 2004. In 2014, the organization set up its headquarters in Dhaka, where they finally ratified a charter during the fifth summit assembly. This group prioritizes enhancing maritime links, developing human resources, bolstering capacities, promoting energy partnerships, and improving transportation networks, all centered around the Bay of Bengal region. Additionally, BIMSTEC has tackled various security challenges, including initiating Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief drills starting in 2017.

BIMSTEC summit

The BIMSTEC organization encompasses seven key fields of collaboration along with various sub-sectors within prioritized sectors; each nation assumes ownership over specific domains. In contrast to SAARC, lacking this type of senior platform, BIMSTEC convenes gatherings involving national security advisors and advances in cyber-security aim to develop a cooperative strategy. Despite aiming to bridge Southern and Southeastern Asia, advancements remain sluggish due to Myanmar—a crucial transitional state—being embroiled in a civil conflict, thereby obstructing numerous infrastructure initiatives, particularly the India-sponsored Trilateral Highway endeavor. Additionally, the finalized version of the BIMSTEC Motor Vehicle Accord (MVA)—meant to facilitate interconnectivity—is still pending agreement. Similarly, negotiations towards establishing a free trade zone haven’t yielded tangible outcomes despite signing the Framework Agreement back in 2004. During the sixth summit, they concluded the BIMSTEC Maritime Transportation Pact, and India suggested forming the BIMSTEC Business Council alongside committing to host an annual commerce conference. Regional bodies similar to the BBIN Initiative could potentially bolster collaborative efforts since participating states maintain amicable ties.

Similar to SAARC, BIMSTEC offers a platform for interactions among South Asian leaders. During this event, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had discussions with Nepal’s Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli as well as with Muhammad Yunus, who served as the Chief Advisor of Bangladesh's caretaker administration at the time. While confirmation existed for the talk with Oli, details concerning the discussion between Modi and Yunus were not disclosed to the press. These encounters carry considerable importance within the broader scope of regional dynamics, particularly concerning India's ties with both nations involved.

Modi-Oli meeting

During the summit, this bilateral meeting marked Prime Minister Oli’s inaugural encounter with Prime Minister Modi since taking office in Nepal in July 2024. Their previous tenure saw relations deteriorate over border disagreements and Oli's strategy to align more closely with China rather than India. Nonetheless, both nations have established a developmental collaboration. As part of this effort, India plans to offer approximately ₹11 billion in assistance to Nepal for fiscal year 2024-25. Additionally, Nepal stands to gain an ₹625 million grant for community development projects under the High-Impact scheme. The discussion further highlighted potential collaborations in areas such as energy, transportation, cultural exchange, and digital technologies.

The gathering occurred shortly following the mobilization of pro-monarchy supporters in Kathmandu. Various factions within Nepal advocate for reinstating the monarchy. This movement appears to be fueled by widespread dissatisfaction among Nepalese citizens regarding extensive corruption and poor governance under current political leadership. During these demonstrations, images of the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, along with those of the head monk at Gorakhnath Mutt, were prominently displayed. It’s worth noting that the Shah Dynasty supports Gorakhnath. Previously, Oli urged King Gyanendra to participate in elections to prove his public support back in March. Additionally, several opposition parties have condemned former King Gyanendra for allegedly trying to undermine governmental stability.

Modi-Yunus meet

The highly anticipated meeting between Modi and Yunus occurred during the margins of the BIMSTEC conference. It marked their first encounter since the fall of the Hasina administration. Bilateral ties between New Delhi and Dhaka soured when India urged the provisional government to safeguard Bangladesh’s minority communities and criticized assaults against these groups within the country. Some advisors from the transitional authority have issued remarks antagonistic towards India. Despite Hasina being seen as an ongoing point of contention due to her stay in India, it should be noted that her deportation is non-negotiable for the Indian authorities. After securing necessary clearance, she was transferred to India via a Bangladeshi military plane.

Shortly after Hasina’s ouster, media initiatives began spreading claims that India was responsible for flooding in Bangladesh. This prompted the Indian Ministry of External Affairs to release a statement addressing these allegations. Meanwhile, there was a backlash directed towards Adani Power, an Indian international corporation involved in power generation and distribution, because they were charging more for supplying electricity from their designated facility in Godda, Jharkhand, to Bangladesh. The situation escalated when Bangladesh owed approximately $850 million to the Adani Group, leading them to consider revising the contract terms. Consequently, due to unpaid bills, the firm reduced its delivery to Bangladesh; however, they subsequently resumed providing 1600 MW amid Bangladesh experiencing significant electrical shortages.

In December 2024, Bangladesh chose to stop supplying bandwidth transit services to India’s northeastern region. Early this year, the country's Ministry of Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs rescinded an earlier directive allowing fifty judicial officials to participate in a training program held in India. During his trip to China, Yunus made comments about India’s Northeastern states that did little to foster goodwill; they suggested Bangladesh might be less inclined towards strengthening ties with India. Statements released by both nations often diverge markedly. As an example, following the Indian Foreign Secretary’s visit to Dhaka in December, official communications from each side provided contrasting accounts of what topics had been addressed. Likewise, differing perspectives emerged after Prime Minister Modi met with Yunus in Bangkok: one came via a formal release from the Indian government, whereas another originated through a social media update posted by Yunus’ Press Secretary. Additionally, India withdrew permission for goods exported by Bangladesh destined for third-party markets to pass through their territory—a move expected to adversely affect commercial exchanges between the two neighbors.

Despite the narrative propagated in Bangladesh suggesting that India maintains ties solely with the Awami League, New Delhi asserted that its connections are with the people of Bangladesh rather than any specific political group. Both nations' media outlets haven’t contributed positively towards improving mutual relations either. Resolving these matters should ideally occur through diplomatic channels within their respective ministries. Nonetheless, such gatherings hold substantial importance. Meetings under the auspices of BIMSTEC along with bilateral discussions have played a crucial role in dispelling misconceptions and distrust among them. Strong bi-lateral relationships significantly advance goals related to regional collaboration.

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